16 October 1555 A.D. Bishop “Old Hugh” Latimer: “Be of good cheer, Master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light such a candle by God’s grace in England as I trust shall never be put out.”
16 October 1555 A.D. Bishop “Old Hugh” Latimer: “Be of good
cheer, Master Ridley, and play the man. We shall this day light such a candle
by God’s grace in England as I trust shall never be put out.”
Streater, David. “Hugh Latimer—Apostolic Preacher.” Church
Society. Autumn 1996. http://archive.churchsociety.org/crossway/documents/Cway_055_Streater-Latimer.pdf. Accessed 15 Oct 2014.
Article
reprinted from Cross†Way
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Winter 1994, Spring 1995, Spring 1996, Summer 1996 & Autumn 1996 (Nos. 55,
56 60, 61 & 62)
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HUGH LATIMER – APOSTOLIC PREACHER
By David Streater
Introduction
On the morning of 16 October, 1555,
Hugh Latimer and Nicholas Ridley, both formerly bishops of the Church, were
executed for heresy in Oxford. It was then that Hugh Latimer uttered his famous
sermon,
Be of good cheer, Master Ridley, and
play the man. We shall this day light such a candle by God’s grace in England
as I trust shall never be put out.
The execution was part of the
outworking of May Tudor’s policy to re-establish the Roman Church in England,
and to redress the dishonour done to her mother, Katharine of Aragon, by her
divorce from Henry VIII. Mary blamed these two bishops, with Thomas Cranmer,
for the divorce, and for establishing Biblical Christianity within the Church
in England.
Latimer, Ridley and Cranmer were all
graduates of Cambridge, where Reformation teaching had taken root in the early
part of the sixteenth century, through the influence of Erasmus’ Greek New
Testament and Luther’s writings. Amongst others involved at Cambridge were
Thomas Bilney, a Fellow of Trinity Hall, William Tyndale, who had left Oxford
for Cambridge, and Matthew Parker, a future Archbishop. All these men played
significant roles in the work of the English Reformation.
Bilney’s early evangelistic influence
at the University must be measured more by his witness to others than in what
he actually achieved. Tyndale would translate the Bible from the original
languages into English. Cranmer’s liturgical work would produce the two Prayer
Books of 1549 and 1552, while Latimer would come to be acknowledged as possibly
the greatest popular preacher in the English language.
This movement of protest in the Church
in the West during the sixteenth century evolved from a controversy over the
nature of authority and the method of achieving salvation. The crux of the
debate centred upon the Reformers’ emphasis of sola
scriptura and sola
fides (scripture alone and faith alone). This
was an intensely theological debate carried on by scholars of both persuasions.
It is evident that in such a debate few, if any, of the common people would
have understood the precise issues unless they had been simplified. It is in
Latimer’s background and in his ability to communicate with the common people,
that we shall find his true significance in the work of Reformation in England.
The Ending of the Middle Ages
The most likely date of Latimer’s birth
was 1485, which was a milestone in English history, as it saw the end of the
Wars of the Roses, the death of the last Plantagenet king, Richard III, and the
beginning of the Tudor dynasty under Henry VII. In the wider European scene,
the year 1485 marked the closing of the Middle Ages, in so far as any year can
mark what is a process. The high point of the Middle Ages, which had lasted a
thousand years from the fall of the Roman Empire in the West, had been the
period from the eleventh to the thirteenth centuries.
It was during these centuries that the
Church’s secular power had increased, and there was a growing demand for money
to finance it. In this, the Church had lost much of its spiritual authority.
There was dissatisfaction with the Church as an institution, and there were
constant demands for reform, even if there was no consensus as to what should
be reformed. Chadwick pertinently comments. ‘What one honest man believed to be
an abuse, another honest man defended.’
Other factors were now beginning to
emerge. In England, there was a growing force of nationalism, as the feudal
system gave way to the personal monarchy of Henry VIII, who wielded greater
power than his predecessors, for the Wars of the Roses had severely weakened
the barons. Personal monarchy created a more centralized government, which
needed to be funded. Little wonder that covetous eyes began to be cast on the
Church’s wealth, which as Myers says, ‘ . . . owned at least a fifth of the
land in England, and its treasures were still increasing in the early sixteenth
century.’
Taxes paid to Rome, in tithes and
annates, continued to drain the nation’s wealth, so that there were economic
tensions between Church and State.
While nationalism was increasing,
education was also growing among the wealthier classes. The Renaissance, which
had its origin in Italy, was concerned initially with the rediscovery of
classical learning of Ancient Greece and Rome. Later, as it spread to Northern
Europe, it became more associated with the reform of the Church. In England, by
1498, there was a band of scholars, lecturing on Greek at Oxford. Amongst them
was John Colet, who had studied in Italy. He encouraged Erasmus to apply his
scholarship to the revival of a more primitive Christianity. It was Erasmus’
Greek New Testament of 1516, which partly prepared the way for Luther’s
protest.
With nationalism and education, there
were advances in science and discoveries of the New World.
All these began to widen men’s
horizons, but it would be incorrect to view the Reformation solely in these
terms. They were important contributory factors, but as Sykes points out,
‘Fundamentally, the Reformation was a revolution and it was concerned
ultimately with the deepest elements in religion.’
The Middle Ages had a clearly defined
set of beliefs. There was a Creator God and Judge, there was heaven, purgatory
and hell. Man entered both Church and Society by baptism, and followed the
teaching, and used the sacraments, of the Church to avoid hell and enter
heaven. This was illustrated dramatically by the Mass, which set out
liturgically, the redemptive work of Christ. The fact that some had, in the
sixteenth century, as Green puts it, ‘a penny-in-the-slot attitude’, does not
mean that there were none seeking a more satisfying personal religion.
It is not surprising, therefore, that
it was a monk’s personal reaction to the promiscuous sale of indulgences which
set the Reformation in progress. Luther nailed his ninety-five theses to the
door of the Church at Wittenberg on All Saints’ Day, 1517, intending to promote
a serious debate, but he provoked a disruption within the Western Church,
changing the face of Western Europe and bringing the Middle Ages to an end.
Rural Beginnings
Thurcastone, where Latimer was born, in
the fifteenth century, was a typical Anglo-Saxon settlement of some twenty-five
families. The village lies some seven miles north of Leicester. From Latimer’s
later comments, it appears that the village still farmed in the old strip
method, by which the Lord of the Manor allocated yardlands to tenants:
My father was a yeoman and had no lands
of his own . . . he had a farm of three or four pounds by year at the
uttermost, and hereupon he tilled so much as kept half a dozen men. He had walk
for a hundred sheep and my mother milked thirty kine.
It was normal in such communities for
the farmhouse to be contained within the village itself, and not isolated in
the countryside. So Latimer would have mixed with the village people in the
daily round of country life, within the shadow of the Church, and hard by the
village green, where archery was practised, not only for sport, but also for
the purpose of defence:
In my time my poor father was as
diligent to teach me to shoot as to learn any other thing . . . he taught me
how to draw a bow, and not to draw with the strength of the arms as other
nations do, but with the strength of the body.
It appears that Latimer’s father took a
deep interest in him, as his sole surviving son, after his mother died. This
may provide a partial answer as to why he was sent to school and university,
rather than working on the farm. Perhaps Hugh Senior, concentrating his
affection on the lad, perceived that, in him, there was a sensitivity and
lively wit, which fitted better in the life of the Church than in the robust
work of the farm. As Latimer said in a sermon much later, mentioning his
father, ‘He kept me to school, or else I had not been able to preach before the
king now.’
While we do not know where Latimer went
to school, it may have been a monastic establishment, or a newly-founded
grammar school - we may be certain that his education would have consisted of
the Trivium and Quadrivium. In the syllabus, he would have learnt Latin
grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic. He would also have been taught logic and
disputation. Such an education would have fitted this bright and sensitive child
for the task of speaking publicly, but his background of village life gave him
understanding and sympathy for the poor, preparing him to be a popular
preacher:
The tang of country clung to Latimer to
the end of his life: the smell of the soil, the song of the plow, the life of
the farm, have all been preserved in his sermons, and he never lost his
large-hearted sympathy for the humble tenant who had to toil for a living in
the teeth of high rents and the policy of land enclosure.
Cambridge Days
Latimer went up to Clare College
Cambridge in 1506. Cambridge was a bastion of the old scholastic orthodoxy of
Duns and Lombard. Latimer graduated B A in 1510. In 1514 he graduated M A, and
received his B D in 1523. With this orthodox background, Latimer “set his face
resolutely against the new learning and friends of reform”.
His orthodoxy was noted and his
eloquence in the pulpit and championship of the poor led to his appointment in
1522 as one of the twelve Cambridge preachers, licensed to preach anywhere in
the land. In that same year the university further honoured him by appointing
him as crucifer to bear the silver cross before king Henry VIII making a royal
visit to Cambridge.
At this time George Stafford was
lecturing in the university on the Bible from the original languages. Latimer
as the defender of scholastic orthodoxy and an ardent ritualist made it his
business to dissuade students from attending these lectures and to return to
the study of the Schoolmen. He carried his defence further by attacking the
works of Philip Melanchthon, the colleague of Martin Luther at Wittenberg in
his oration on the occasion of his receiving the B D in 1523. Among those
listening was Thomas Bilney.
Bilney had great influence in the early
part of the English reformation at Cambridge. His conversion to the Protestant
cause had occurred through reading Erasmus’ New Testament, and the passage
concerned was from St Paul’s First Epistle to Timothy, “It is a true saying and
worthy of all men to be received, that Jesus Christ came into the world to save
sinners...” (1 Timothy 1, 15).
Bilney had become the centre of a small
group which met at the White Horse Inn, known locally, if somewhat jocularly,
by the name of Little Germany because of the discussions of Lutheran doctrine
and the New Testament which took place there. It was the application of the
theology of Paul which was the catalyst for the reformation. After hearing
Latimer’s oration, Bilney went to him with the request that Latimer would hear
his confession. This was probably in the spring of 1524. Latimer said much
later, ‘ Master Bilney... was the instrument whereby God called me to
knowledge.”
How may this be explained humanly? It
is possible that Latimer’s high moral standards, coupled with a deep
sensitivity, led him to a profound sense of guilt before the righteous demands
of a holy God, which in turn led him to conviction of sin. In this there are
similarities with Martin Luther’s own experience of grace.
Latimer remarked later in a sermon, “I
remember how scrupulous I was...” and the teaching of St Paul that God Himself
had provided this righteousness in Christ crucified and risen to be received by
faith came without doubt as a great relief to a burdened conscience. But
Latimer quickly grasped that such a full and free salvation by faith must be
demonstrated by a life of practical holiness.
Before the King
Latimer and Bilney became constant
companions, searching the Scriptures, discussing doctrine and visiting the sick
and prisoners. Latimer’s conversion to Christ and to the protestant cause was
not immediately recognised and it was nearly two years before complaints began
to be received by the Bishop of Ely. This led the Bishop to consider Latimer’s
preaching for himself.
At the end of 1525 Latimer was preaching
at Great St Mary’s when the Bishop of Ely’s party entered the Church. Latimer
stopped his sermon and began a new one on the duty of bishops!
However, Ely was not fooled by this and
shortly after Latimer was inhibited from preaching in the diocese. Barnes, the
Prior of the Austin Friars, which as a monastic house was not under episcopal
jurisdiction opened his pulpit to Latimer so that his preaching ministry might
continue.
All would have been well, save that
Barnes launched a fiery attack upon Cardinal Wolsey and the bishops from St
Edward’s pulpit. Latimer, Barnes and Bilney were all summoned to appear before
Wolsey. Barnes had to recant, Bilney was warned, but Latimer so impressed
Wolsey by his defence that he was licensed by Wolsey to preach anywhere in the
kingdom. So instead of being silenced, Latimer returned to Cambridge, making
the most of the opportunity.
Becon, a contemporary, has left a
record of the powerful preaching of Latimer at this time, when he “rebuk(ed)
all sins, namely idolatry, false and idle swearing, covetousness and whoredom.”
Few slept under Latimer’s ministry, but such preaching is always liable to stir
up unexpected reactions.
Such was the case in Advent 1529.
The occasion was Latimer’s “Sermon on
the Cards”. In it Latimer sought to teach the
undergraduates Christian truths, but it
provoked a tremendous storm which only subsided when the Royal Almoner let the
Vice-chancellor of the University know that the king believed that the trouble
had arisen through Latimer favouring the king’s cause.
This cause was the vexed question of
the legitimacy of Henry’s marriage to Katharine of Aragon. Because the ‘divorce
question’ plays such an important part in the events of the English
reformation, and it is so often mischievously misrepresented as the cause of
the reformation, rather than its occasion, it is necessary to return to events
which had occurred many years before.
The Marriage of Blood
In 1485, Richard III had been defeated
by the first of the new Tudor dynasty Henry VII, at the battle of Bosworth.
This was the final round of the long-running Wars of the Roses between the
Houses of Lancaster and York. Henry VII’s claim to the throne was not a strong
one and was founded upon his marriage to Elizabeth of York. This insecurity plagued
the whole House of Tudors, and is one of the main planks of their policy from
1485 to 1603 which only ceased with the death of Elizabeth I.
Henry VII was not a cruel king by
nature but he was both ambitious and avaricious which is a dangerous combination.
He trained Arthur, his eldest son for the crown and Henry, his second son was
trained for the priesthood with a view to him being placed in high
ecclesiastical office. But Henry needed a strong foreign ally, particularly to
restrain French ambitions. Spain was the obvious choice and such alliances were
more often than not cemented by the union of the houses through marriage.
Ferdinand of Spain’s daughter,
Katharine of Aragon, was a suitable choice and the marriage was arranged.
However, while Henry VII was not cruel, Ferdinand was and there still remained
a claimant to the English throne with a better title than the House of Tudor.
That was Warwick, the last of the Plantagenets. The demand for the execution of
Warwick to remove the threat to the throne was amplified by the further demand
that the Spanish Ambassador should be present to witness the execution.
With the execution of Warwick
confirmed, the marriage of Arthur and Katharine took place on 14th
November 1501, popularly known as the marriage of blood. By the spring of 1502
Arthur was dead and Katharine, the bride of a few months, was widowed. When it
became clear that the marriage would produce no heir, Henry, the second son was
declared to be the heir to the throne and a Papal Bull was issued clearing the
way for the marriage of Henry to Katharine amidst growing indignation by the
people that this was against God’s Law. (Leviticus 20, 21 and Mark 6, 18).
On the eve of Henry’s fourteenth
birthday, he declared that he would not marry Katharine and not until after his
father’s death did he change his mind. In this way events were set afoot which
would lead to the deaths of Latimer and Cranmer as well as Sir Thomas More and
Bishop Fisher of Rochester and hasten the coming of the English Reformation.
Cardinal Wolsey had already fallen from favour when Latimer was called to
preach before the king at Windsor in Lent 1530.
Back to the Country
The invitation to Latimer to preach at
Windsor before the king in Lent was the first of a number of opportunities and
Latimer’s preaching ability was used to bring home reformed principles.
Exposure to the king meant that Latimer
was invited to sit on a commission called by the king to discuss the “new”
doctrines. The outcome was that Latimer was forced into signing with the rest
of the Commission a condemnation of Tyndale’s works which by 1531 included,
amongst others, the 1526 New Testament and The Parable of the Wicked Mammon.
Yet in Tyndale’s writings and Latimer’s
preaching there is a similarity, for example:-
...as touching to please God,
there is no work better than another...whether thou be an apostle or a
shoemaker...thou art a kitchen page and washest thy master’s dishes, another is
an Apostle and preacheth the Word of God. ...Now if thou compare deed to deed
there is difference betwixt washing of dishes and preaching of the Word of God.
But as touching to please God none at all.1
In brief, Tyndale is demonstrating that
as far as the life of a Christian is concerned, there is nothing to debar the
humblest layman from reaching spiritual maturity. Many received Tyndale’s
teaching and loved it. The prelates hated it because it struck at foundations
of the hierarchy and Sir Thomas More sneered at the simplicity of the gospel
because it attacked the favoured position of the scholar.
But Latimer’s sermons echoed it and it
is a measure of the difficult and dangerous position that he found himself in
that he had to sign the condemnation.
Little wonder that he excused himself
from London and the court and was instituted to the living of West Kington,
near to Bristol in January 1531. The four years that he was there, were
momentous ones for the Church and nation. Cardinal Wolsey had fallen and
although a greedy and devious man, he was not cruel. Those who succeeded him
were.
John Wesley once remarked that the
world was his parish. It might equally be stated that for these four years the
parish of West Kington was Latimer’s world. He threw himself immediately into
the work, and writing to Sir Edward Baynton, he commented, “Sir, I have had
more business in my little cure...what with sick folk and matrimonies...than I
would have thought a man should have in a great cure”.
We may be sure that Latimer was in his
element among the country folk, preaching to them and teaching them from God’s
Word. No doubt, some of the material used later in ‘The Sermon on the Plough’
first saw the light of day here. Latimer was a popular preacher, and not a
profoundly theological one. He used humour such as the story of the woman who could
not sleep and who was going to church for the reason that she, “never failed of
a good nap there.” Such a story would raise some mirth, particularly, if
someone was dozing.
His vocabulary was simple, and full of
witty and alliterative phrases such as ‘merit-mongers’ and ‘pot-gospellers’. It
was country humour in a land where even the cities were closely connected to
the countryside, and it was recognised and understood by the people. With a
wealth of anecdote, Latimer preached simply to the simple people without whose
support no national reformation can succeed.
But he was not to be left in peace to
pursue his gospel ministry. The new Bishop of London summoned him for trial
which opened early in 1532. Bilney, his friend and brother in the Lord had been
martyred for the faith. Latimer realised that if he were found guilty he would
share the same fate. For six weeks he was examined but no charge of heresy
could be laid upon him. Fifteen articles were drawn up but he refused to
subscribe. They dealt with pilgrimages and pardons.
In a letter to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, Warham, Latimer did not deny they were lawful but stated that they
were inexpedient. He writes, “What can be more unseemly than to employ our
preaching in that which God would neither command nor counsel...” . A
compromise was eventually reached and he subscribed the articles concerning
Lent and the crucifix. Further trouble broke out when he replied rashly to a
letter. Latimer appealed to the king who upheld his appeal, but he was compelled
to confess error, “in doctrine and discretion”.
Latimer had returned to West Kington
when in 1533 Warham died and was succeeded by Thomas Cranmer, who recalled
Latimer to preach before the king again. Cranmer’s salutary advice to him was
to “stand no longer than an hour, or a hour and a half at the most.” In the
following September Latimer was consecrated Bishop of Worcester.
From 1497 to 1535, absentee Italian
bishops had left Worcester a neglected diocese, so that there was much to be
done. The ignorance and the apathy of the people concerned Latimer greatly. He
attempted to improve the situation in two ways. Firstly, the ignorance of the
clergy needed to be dealt with, and he began a visitation. There are in
existence sixteen itemised injunctions, dealing with the possession of Bibles
and Testaments, and enforcing preaching instead of bead-telling or processions.
His sermons complain of preachers who are like ‘bells without clappers’, and of
people who are more in ‘love with Robin Hood
than the Word of God’. Secondly, he came to believe that the enforcement of
discipline within the Church was necessary. In a later sermon before Edward VI
he stated ‘Bring into the church open discipline of excommunication, that open
sinners may be stricken withal.’
Beside his preaching and administrative
duties, Latimer was involved with the dissolution of the lesser monasteries.
Although he strongly disapproved of monastic disorders, he more strongly
disapproved of the greed of the nobility. Even Henry came under his strictures.
Latimer said, ‘Abbeys were ordained for the comfort of the poor; wherefore I
said it was not decent that the king’s horses should be kept in them.’
His convocation sermon of 1536 was a
forceful attack upon the apathy of the clergy. Laying aside doctrine, he
attacked the clergy for their lack of effort: ‘If ye will not be the children
of the world, be not stricken with the love of worldly things... Feed ye
tenderly with all diligence the flock of Christ. Preach truly the Word of God.
Love the light, walk in the light, and so be ye children of light while ye are
in the world’. Here was bold prophetic preaching which applied the Word of God
to the consciences of the hearers whoever they might be. Although the sermon
was originally delivered in Latin, it was translated and circulated widely in
English. The clergy did not like it but the common people received it gladly.
Latimer became involved with the campaign against superstition. There were many
shrines in the country at which the people regularly worshipped. The best known
was that of Thomas à Beckett at Canterbury, immortalised by Geoffrey Chaucer in
the Prologue to the Canterbury Tales (14th
century) as the ‘blissful martyr’. Chaucer satirises the various characters,
especially the religious. In Latimer’s own diocese was the famous image at
Hailes Abbey, near Winchcombe in Gloucestershire, which was reputed to contain
a phial containing some of the original blood of Christ! The blood was found to
consist of melted honey.
But Latimer’s days were now numbered as
a diocesan bishop, for Henry was about to reverse his religious policy which
looked to the German Lutheran princes as allies. In that policy, he had
endeavoured to show that he was truly a Protestant. Now he reversed that policy
and endeavoured to prove he was a true Catholic. The Six Articles of 1539 were
Roman in doctrine, and Latimer could only agree to the first concerning
transubstantiation. The devious Thomas Cromwell indicated that the king wished
Latimer to resign. This Latimer did. It was a blow to the reformers and left Cranmer in a very isolated and
difficult position. Latimer was placed under house arrest and for some months
from 1539 to 1540 his life was in grave danger.
In the spring of 1540, the worst of the
danger had passed and he was given provisional liberty provided that he
travelled no nearer to London, Oxford, Cambridge or Worcester than six miles.
So the preacher was publicly silenced for nearly six years, although we may be
sure that Latimer continued to preach and teach privately. He returned to the
Midlands but after an accident in which he was seriously injured by a falling
tree, Latimer returned to London and was arrested and sent to the Tower for the last year of Henry
VIII’s reign. Unknown to Latimer there was soon to be a further door of
opportunity opened to him for proclaiming God’s Word. In January 1547, Henry
VIII died, attended by Cranmer, and Edward VI, although still a minor came to
the throne. The tide of English Protestantism was about to reach its high water
mark.
With the accession of Edward VI at the
beginning of 1547, the danger to Latimer’s life receded and he was released
from the Tower of London under a general pardon. He returned to preaching and
as Darby says in his book, Hugh Latimer (1953):-
Latimer’s fame is most secure as a
preacher. It was in that way that he served best in the days of Henry VIII: it
was almost the only way that he served during the short reign of his son. The
six years gave him his fullness of opportunity to follow his natural bent.
It was during these years that the
First Prayer Book of 1549 and the Second, more Protestant, Prayer Book of 1552
were drawn up with the Forty Two Articles and the First Book of Homilies.
With such a programme of reform, it was
clear that Latimer would be the natural choice to return to the See of
Worcester. He was invited to do so but he declined the appointment on the
ground of age and infirmity. This was accepted, and as preaching was his high
calling, he preached extensively before the young king. Most of our knowledge
of his sermons dates from this period of his ministry.
He became a champion, not only of the
spoken word, but of the Word preached directly to the present congregation. It
was a word relevant to the condition of the nation as a whole.
His earlier convocation sermon which
had attacked the lethargy and worldliness of the clergy had won Latimer the
respect of the nation. His refusal of high office and the wealth which went
with it gained their hearts. It would be true to say that no other English
preacher has ever been held in such high esteem, including the Wesleys and
George Whitefield, as well as Charles Spurgeon. It would also be true to say
that no other preacher has ever accomplished as much good in the life of the
nation. The records of the State Paper Office and British Museum bear out this
testimony. But Latimer was now ageing and after Lent
1550, he resigned as the King’s preacher and he returned to his home country,
his beloved Midland Counties, continuing to preach from Lincolnshire to
Warwickshire.
Edward VI died in 1553, and in spite of
the Earl of Northumberland’s plot to seize the throne for Lady Jane Grey, which
resulted in his execution and that of Lady Jane Grey and her husband, Mary
Tudor came to the throne with the acclamation of the people as the rightful
Tudor heir. The high water mark of Protestantism had been reached and was now
about to give way under Mary’s Catholic revisionist policies. Although
Protestantism had been owned by many of the influential and by large numbers of
the ordinary people, it would take the death of many martyrs before the nation would wholeheartedly embrace its
doctrines under Elizabeth I. Latimer was to be numbered among those who sealed
their witness to the Word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ.
It would be facile to believe that Mary
simply misjudged the mood of the English people. Her policy towards Protestants
was guided by two factors. Those two factors were that a great wrong had been
done to her mother and that a great wrong had been done to Holy Mother Church.
Both these wrongs needed to be redressed. Those responsible were to be punished
and England’s relationship to Rome re-established. In simple terms that meant
the death of those heretics by fire. There was to be no mercy and in this Mary
showed herself to be the daughter of her mother with a haughty Spanish temperament and a zeal
for the Roman Church but she lacked the sure political touch of her father and
the carefully considered pragmatism of her half-sister Elizabeth. To silence
old Latimer was one thing, to burn him quite another for the English people.
Latimer was in the countryside when he
was given forewarning of his imminent arrest with the possibility of escape to
the Continent. He made no attempt to escape and welcomed the rather surprised
officer who arrived to arrest him with the words, ‘I go willingly to London.’
This was the hour of trial which was to come upon him. He had lived with this
possibility for thirty years.
Several times he had extricated himself
from difficult situations, and had seen the damage that recantations had done
to the cause of Reformation. He had also witnessed the deep pangs of remorse
demonstrated by some of his colleagues. If he were to give way, or attempt to
escape as the most popular preacher in England, an enormous amount of damage
would be done to the cause of Christ. He was now an old man who had ‘fought the
good fight’ and it only remained for him to finish his course by sealing the
testimony in his death. As he travelled through Smithfield, he wryly remarked
that the place had ‘long groaned for him.’ But it was to Oxford that his final
journey would take him.
Latimer was incarcerated in the Tower,
where Cranmer and Ridley were already imprisoned. Although separately housed
and strictly guarded, they were able to communicate through their servants. In
this way, they encouraged one another and prepared themselves for the
examination.
Latimer decided that, by reason of his
age, it would be futile to enter into a theological dispute and that his best
approach would be, ‘not to contend much with them in words, after a reasonable
account of my faith is given.’
By Lent 1554, the Tower was so
overcrowded with prisoners that Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer were all housed
together, to their great mutual satisfaction. By the middle of April, they were
in Oxford for the disputation, which centred largely on the Mass.
Latimer’s mind was now set, having been
convinced by Cranmer. Latimer’s written answer made it clear that he would not
submit. He was formally condemned by the Bishop of Lincoln, and handed over to
the Mayor of Oxford to await degradation and execution by fire on the morning
of October l6th, 1555.
The Reformation occurred in the
sixteenth century as Green says, ‘... because a certain set of circumstances
created a situation which made its outbreak both possible and probable.’ What
must be borne in mind in any discussion is the differentiation between the
occasion and the cause. This is particularly true of the English Reformation.
The characters of Luther, Calvin, and Zwingli on the Continent, made a profound
impact. Yet, it is often claimed that no comparable English Reformer exists and that, in England, it was the
circulation of the Scriptures which effected the change. This ignores the
significance of Hugh Latimer, as well as the movement which took place between
1520 and 1556.
The protest, as it developed the finer
points of doctrine, sharpened by controversy, needed another medium with which
to instruct the people, other than the Mass, or miracle play. It was the
pulpit, not the altar, and preaching rather than liturgy, which persuaded the
people. This was the medium in which Latimer excelled.
It was through preaching that he first
won fame at Cambridge. It was as a preacher that he did all his best work. On
his last day, he turned the flames that flared about him ... into an
unquenchable metaphor. That word about the lighting of the candle that by God’s
grace should never by put out, reveals the man. His message was simple, homely
and directly to the point. None could miss it. He applied the truth of God’s
Word, in doctrine and precept, to bring men and women to the ‘obedience of
faith’. He did this for thirty years throughout the heart of England, from
London to
Lincoln, and from Lincoln to Bristol.
Latimer founded no sect, endowed no school, made no translation of the
Scriptures and left no great liturgy for posterity, yet when all the preaching
was done, the most significant fact was that his final sermon was from the
flames and his most eloquent pulpit, his funeral pyre. Latimer died in the
flames but Mary Tudor had alienated the affection of a large number of her
English subjects.
David Streater (at the time of
publication) was Director of Church Society.
Endnotes:
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