March 996-1002 A.D. Wulfstan—44th Bishop of London; Transferred to York & Worcester, 1002
March 996-1002 A.D. Wulfstan—44th Bishop of London; Transferred to York
& Worcester, 1002
Wulfstan (died 1023)
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Wulfstan
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Archbishop of York
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1002
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1023
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Consecration
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996
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Personal details
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Wulfstan
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Wulfstan (sometimes Lupus;[1] died 28 May 1023) was an
English Bishop of London, Bishop of Worcester, and Archbishop of York. He should not be confused
with Wulfstan I, Archbishop of York or Wulfstan, Bishop of Worcester. He is thought to have begun
his ecclesiastical career as a Benedictine monk. He became
the Bishop of London in 996. In 1002 he was
elected simultaneously to the diocese of Worcester and the archdiocese
of York, holding both in plurality
until 1016, when he relinquished Worcester; he remained archbishop of York
until his death. It was perhaps while he was at London that he first became
well known as a writer of sermons, or homilies, on the topic of Antichrist. In 1014, as archbishop, he
wrote his most famous work, a homily which he titled the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, or the Sermon of the
Wolf to the English.
Besides
sermons Wulfstan was also instrumental in drafting law codes for both
kings Æthelred the Unready and Cnut the
Great of
England.[2] He is considered one of
the two major writers of the late Anglo-Saxon period in England. After his
death in 1023, miracles were said to have occurred at his tomb, but attempts to
have him declared a saint never bore fruit.
Contents
Life
Wulfstan's
early life is obscure, but he was certainly the uncle of one Beorhtheah, his successor at Worcester
but one, and the uncle of Wulfstan of Worcester.[3][4] About Wulfstan's youth
we know nothing. He probably had familial ties to the Fenlands in East Anglia,[5] and to Peterborough specifically.[6] Although there is no
direct evidence of his ever being monastic, the nature of Wulfstan's later
episcopal career and his affinity with the Benedictine Reform argue that he had
once studied and professed as a Benedictine monk, perhaps at Winchester.[7][8][a] According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, Wulfstan was consecrated bishop
of London in 996, succeeding Aelfstan.[9] Besides the notice in
the Chronicle, the first record of his name is in a collection of nine Latin penitential letters
collected by him,[b] three of which were
issued by him as bishop of London, and one by him as "Archbishop of the
English". The other five letters in the collection (only one of which is
addressed to Wulfstan, as archbishop) were issued by Pope Gregory
V and by
a Pope John (either Pope John
XVII or Pope John
XVIII).
In the letters issued by Wulfstan as bishop of London he styles himself
"Lupus episcopus", meaning "the bishop Wolf".
"Lupus" is the Latin form of the first element of his Old English name, which means "wolf-stone".
In
1002 Wulfstan was elected Archbishop of York and was immediately translated to
that see.[c] Holding York also
brought him control over the diocese of Worcester, as at that time it was
practice in England to hold "the potentially disaffected northern
archbishopric in plurality with a southern see."[11][d] He held both Worcester
and York until 1016, resigning Worcester to Leofsige while retaining York.[12] There is evidence,
however, that he retained influence over Worcester even after this time, and
that Leofsige perhaps acted "only as a suffragan to Wulfstan."[13] Although holding two or
more episcopal sees in plurality was both uncanonical and against the spirit of
the Benedictine Reform, Wulfstan had inherited this practice from previous
archbishops of York, and he was not the last to hold York and Worcester in
plurality.[14][e]
Wulfstan
must have early on garnered the favour of powerful men, particularly Æthelred
king of England, for we find him personally drafting all royal law codes
promulgated under Æthelred's reign from 1005 to 1016.[15] There is no doubt that
Wulfstan had a penchant for law; his knowledge of previous Anglo-Saxon law
(both royal and ecclesiastical), as well as ninth-century Carolingian law, was
considerable. This surely made him a suitable choice for the king's legal
draftsman. But it is also likely that Wulfstan's position as archbishop of
York, an important centre in the then politically sensitive northern regions of
the English kingdom, made him not only a very influential man in the North, but
also a powerful ally for the king and his family in the South. It is indicative
of Wulfstan's continuing political importance and savvy that he also acted as
legal draftsman for, and perhaps advisor to, the Danish king Cnut, who took
England's West Saxon throne in 1016.[15]
Homilist
A page from a Wulfstan manuscript at the British Library
(MS Cott., Nero A.i): Sermo
Lupi ad Anglosquando Dani maxime persecuti sunt eos quod fuit anno
millesimo XIIII ab incarnatione Domini nostri Jesus Christi
Wulfstan
was one of the most distinguished and effective Old English prose writers.[16][17] His writings cover a
wide range of topics in an even greater range of genres, including homilies (or
sermons), secular laws, religious canons, and political theory. With Ælfric of Eynsham, he is one of the two
major vernacular writers in early eleventh-century England, a period
which, ecclesiastically anyway, was still very much enamoured of and greatly
influenced by the Benedictine Reform. The Benedictine Reform was a movement
which sought to institute monastic standards among the secular clergy, a movement made popular by
the churchmen of the Carolingian Empire in the ninth and tenth
centuries. The Reform promoted a regular (i.e. based on a regula,
or rule) life for priests and clerics, a strict church hierarchy, the primacy
of the Roman see, the authority of codified or canonical church law, and stressed the importance
of catholic, that is universal, church
practices throughout all Christendom. These ideas could only
thrive in a social and political atmosphere which recognised the importance of
both the clergy's and the laity's obedience to the authority of the church on
all things spiritual, and also on many things secular and juridical. This was
one of the main theoretical models behind much of Wulfstan's legal and
quasi-legal writings. But Wulfstan was not blind to the fact that, in order for
this Reform model to thrive in England, the English clergy and laity
(especially the laity) needed to be educated in the basic tenets of the faith.
Nothing less than the legitimacy of English Christendom rested on Englishmen's
steadfastness on certain fundamental Christian beliefs and practices, like, for
example, knowledge of Christ's life and passion, memorisation of the Pater
Noster and the Apostles' Creed, proper baptism, and the correct date and method
of celebrating Easter mass. It is towards the promotion of such beliefs and
practices, that Wulfstan engaged in writing a number of homilies dedicated to
educating both clergy and laity in those Christian fundamentals which he saw as
so important for both the flourishing of Christian lives and the success of the
English polity.
In
a series of homilies begun during his tenure as Bishop of London, Wulfstan
attained a high degree of competence in rhetorical prose, working with a
distinctive rhythmical system based around alliterative pairings. He used
intensifying words, distinctive vocabulary and compounds, rhetorical figures,
and repeated phrases as literary devices. These devices lend Wulfstan's homilies
their tempo-driven, almost feverish, quality, allowing them to build toward
multiple climaxes. An example from one of his earliest sermons, titled Secundum
Lucam, describes with vivid rhetorical force the unpleasantries of
Hell (notice the alliteration, parallelism, and rhyme):
Wa þam þonne þe ær geearnode
helle wite. Ðær is ece
bryne grimme gemencged, & ðær is
ece gryre; þær is granung & wanung &
aa singal heof; þær is ealra yrmða gehwylc & ealra deofla geþring. Wa þam þe þær sceal wunian on wite. Betere him wære
þæt he man nære æfre geworden
þonne he gewurde.[18]
·
"Woe
then to him who has earned for himself the torments of Hell. There there is
everlasting fire roiling painfully, and there there is everlasting filth. There
there is groaning and moaning and always constant wailing. There there is every
kind of misery, and the press of every kind of devil. Woe to him who dwells in
torment: better it were for him that he were never born, than that he become
thus."
This
type of heavy-handed, though effective, rhetoric immediately made
Wulfstan's homilies popular tools for use at the pulpit.[19]
There
is good evidence that Wulfstan's homiletic style was appreciated by his
contemporaries. While yet bishop of London, in 1002 he received an anonymous
letter in Latin praising his style and eloquence. In this letter, an unknown
contemporary refuses to do a bit of translation for Wulfstan because he fears
he could never properly imitate the Bishop's style[1] The Chronicle of Ely said of his preaching that "when he spoke, it
was as if his listeners were hearing the very wisdom of God Himself."[20] Though they were
rhetorically ornate, Wulfstan's homilies show a conscious effort to avoid the
intellectual conceits presumably favoured by educated (i.e. monastic)
audiences; his target audience was the common English Christian, and his
message was suited to everyone who wished to flock to the cathedral to hear it.
Wulfstan refused to include in his works confusing or philosophical concepts,
speculation, or long narratives – devices which other homilies of the time
regularly employed (likely to the dismay of the average parishioner). He also
rarely used Latin phrases or words, though a few of his homilies do survive in
Latin form, versions that were either drafts for later English homilies, or
else meant to be addressed to a learned clergy. Even so, even his Latin sermons
employ a straightforward approach to sermonising. Wulfstan's homilies are
concerned only with the "bare bones, but these he invests with a sense of
urgency of moral or legal rigorism in a time of great danger".[21]
The canon of Wulfstan's homiletic
works is somewhat ambiguous, as it is often difficult to tell if a homily in
his style was actually written by Wulfstan, or is merely the work of someone
who had appreciated Wulfstanian style and imitated it. However, throughout his
episcopal career, he is believed to have written upwards of 30 sermons in Old
English. The number of his Latin sermons has not yet been established.[f] He may also have been
responsible, wholly or in part, for other extant anonymous Old English sermons,
for his style can be detected in a range of homiletic texts which cannot be
directly attributed to him. However, as mentioned, some scholars believe that
Wulfstan's powerful rhetorical style produced imitators, whose homilies would
now be difficult to distinguish from genuine Wulfstanian homilies.[23] Those homilies which are
certainly by Wulfstan can be divided into 'blocks', that is by subject and
theme, and in this way it can be seen that at different points in his life
Wulfstan was concerned with different aspects of Christian life in England.[24] The first 'block' was
written ca. 996–1002 and is concerned with eschatology, that is, the end of the
world. These homilies give frequent descriptions of the coming of Antichrist
and the evils that will befall the world before Christ's Second Coming. They
likely play on the anxiety that surely developed as the end of the first
millennium AD approached. The second 'block', written around 1002–1008, is
concerned with the tenets of the Christian faith. The third 'block', written
around 1008–1020, concerns archiepiscopal functions. The fourth and final
'block', written around 1014–1023, known as the "Evil Days" 'block',
concerns the evils that befall a kingdom and people who do not live proper
Christian lives. This final block contains his most famous homily, the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, where Wulfstan rails against
the deplorable customs of his time, and sees recent Viking invasions as God's
punishment of the English for their lax ways. About 1008 (and again in a
revision about 1016) he wrote a lengthy work which, although not strictly
homiletic, summarises many of the favourite points he had hitherto expounded
upon in his homilies. Titled by modern editors as the Institutes of
Polity, it is a piece of 'estates literature' which details, from the
perspective of a Christian polity, the duties of each member of society,
beginning with the top (the king) and ending at the bottom (common folk).[25]
Language
Wulfstan
was a native speaker of Old English. He was also a competent Latinist. As York
was at the centre of a region of England that had for some time been colonised
by people of Scandinavian descent, it is possible that Wulfstan was familiar
with, or perhaps even bilingual in, Old Norse. He may have helped
incorporate Scandinavian vocabulary into Old
English. Dorothy Whitelock remarks that "the influence of his sojourns in
the north is seen in his terminology. While in general he writes a variety of
late West Saxon literary language, he
uses in some texts words of Scandinavian origin, especially in speaking of the
various social classes."[26] In some cases, Wulfstan
is the only one known to have used a word in Old English, and in some cases
such words are of Scandinavian origin. Some words of his that have been
recognised as particularly Scandinavian are:
þræl "slave,
servant" (cf. Old Norse þræll; cp. Old English þeowa) bonda "husband,
householder" (cf. Old Norse bondi; cp. Old English ceorl) eorl "nobleman
of high rank, (Danish) jarl" (cf. Old Norse jarl; cp. Old
English ealdorman) fysan "to make someone ready,
to put someone to flight" (cf. Old Norse fysa) genydmaga "close
kinsfolk" (cf. Old Norse nauðleyti) laga "law"
(cf. Old Norse lag; cp. Old English æw)[g]
Some
Old English words which appear only in works under his influence are:
werewulf "were-wolf" sibleger "incest" leohtgescot "light-scot"
(a tithe to churches for candles) tofesian ægylde morðwyrhta
Church reform and royal
service
Æthelred II of England from theChronicle of Abingdon
Wulfstan
was very involved in the reform of the English church, and was concerned with
improving both the quality of Christian faith and the quality of ecclesiastical
administration in his dioceses (especially York, a relatively impoverished
diocese at this time). Towards the end of his episcopate in York, he
established a small monastery in Gloucester, which had to be
re-established in 1058 after being burned.[27] In addition to his
religious and literary career, Wulfstan enjoyed a lengthy and fruitful career
as one of England's foremost statesmen. Under both Æthelred IIand Cnut, Wulfstan was primarily
responsible for the drafting of English law codes relating to both secular and
ecclesiastical affairs, and seems to have held a prominent and influential
position at court.[1] He drew up the laws that
Æthelred issued at Enham in 1008, which dealt with the cult of St Edward the
Martyr, the raising and equipping of ships and ship's crews, the payment of
tithes, and a ban on the export of (Christian) slaves from the kingdom.[28] Pushing for religious,
social, political, and moral reforms, Wulfstan "wrote legislation to
reassert the laws of earlier Anglo-Saxon kings and bring order to a country
that had been unsettled by war and influx of Scandinavians."[29]
Cnut from a medieval illuminated manuscript
In
1009 Wulfstan wrote the edict that Æthelred II issued calling for the whole
nation to fast and pray for three days during Thorkell's raids on England, in a
national act of penance. Only water and bread were to be eaten, people should
walk to church barefoot, a payment of one penny from each hide of land was to be made,
and everyone should attend Mass every day of the three
days. Anyone not participating would be fined or flogged.[30] After Cnut conquered
England, Wulfstan quickly became an advisor to the new king, as evidenced by
Wulfstan's influence on the law code issued by Cnut.[31] After the death of Lyfing, Archbishop of Canterbury in
1020, Wulfstan consecrated his successor Æthelnoth in 1020, and wrote to
Cnut asking the king to grant the same rights and dignities for the new
archbishop that previous archbishops had held.[32] Wulfstan also wrote the
laws that were issued by Cnut at Winchester in 1021 or 1022.[1] These laws continued in
force throughout the 11th century, as they were the laws referred to in Domesday Book as "the law of King
Edward".[33]
Death and legacy
Wulfstan
died at York on 28 May 1023. His body was taken for burial to the monastery
of Ely, in accordance with his wishes. Miracles are ascribed to
his tomb by the Liber Eliensis, but it does not appear that any
attempt to declare him a saint was made beyond this.[1] The historian Denis
Bethell called him the "most important figure in the English Church in the
reigns of Æthelred II and Cnut.[34]
Wulfstan's
writings influenced a number of writers in late Old English literature. There
are echoes of Wulfstan's writings in the 1087 entry of the Peterborough Chronicle, a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle written at Peterborough Abbey. This entry has long been
famous as it deals with the death of King William the Conqueror, and contrasts his worldly
power with his status after death.[35] Other suggestions of
Wulfstan's writing occur in works of Old English including the Soul's
Address to the Body.[36] His law codes, which
were written under Æthelred and Cnut, remained in effect through the reign of
King Edward the Confessor, and were still being
reaffirmed in 1100, when King Henry I of England swore a coronation oath
to observe the laws of King Edward.[37]
Works
Wulfstan
wrote some works in Latin, and numerous works in Old English, then the
vernacular.[h] He has also been
credited with a few short poems. His works can generally be divided into
homiletic, legal, and philosophical categories.
Wulfstan's
best-known homily is Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, or Sermon of the
Wolf to the English. In it he proclaims the depredations of the
"Danes" (who were, at that point, primarily Norwegian invaders) a scourge
from God to lash the English for
their sins. He calls upon them to repent of their sinful ways and "return
to the faith of baptism, where there is protection from the fires of
hell."[29] He also wrote many
homilies relating to the Last Days and the coming of
the Antichrist.[7][38] Age of the Antichrist
was a popular theme in Wulfstan's homilies, which also include the issues of
death and Judgment Day. Six homilies that illustrate this theme include: Secundum
Matheum, Secundum Lucam, De Anticristo, De Temporibus Antichrist,Secundum
Marcum and "De Falsis
Deis". De
Antichristo was the "first full development of the Antichrist
theme", and Wulfstan addressed it to the clergy.[39] Believing that he lived
at the time right before the Antichrist was to come, he felt compelled to
diligently warn and teach the clergy to withstand the dishonest teaching of the
enemies of God.[40] These six homilies also
include: emphasis that the hour of the Antichrist is very near, warnings that
the English should be aware of false Christs who will attempt to seduce men,
warnings that God will pass judgement on man's faithfulness, discussion of
man's sins, evils of the world, and encouragement to love God and do his will.[41] He wrote the Canons
of Edgar and The Law of Edward and Guthrum which date
before 1008.[1] The Canons was
written to instruct the secular clergy serving a parish in the responsibilities
of their position. The Law of Edward and Guthrum, on the other
hand, is an ecclesiastical law handbook.[42]Modern editors have paid most
attention to his homilies: they have been edited by Arthur Napier,[43] by Dorothy Whitelock,[44]and by Dorothy Bethurum.[45] Since that publication,
other works that were likely authored by Wulfstan have been identified; a
forthcoming edition by Andy Orchard will update the canon of Wulfstan's
homilies. Wulfstan was also a book collector; he is responsible for amassing a
large collection of texts pertaining to canon law, the liturgy, and episcopal
functions. This collection is known as Wulftan's Commonplace Book. A
significant part of the Commonplace book consists of a work once known as theExcerptiones
pseudo-Ecgberhti, though it has most recently been edited as Wulfstan's Canon Law Collection (a.k.a. Collectio
canonum Wigorniensis).[46] This work is a
collection of conciliar decrees and church canons, most of which he culled from
numerous ninth and tenth-century Carolingian works. This work demonstrates the
wide range of Wulfstan's reading and studies. He sometimes borrowed from this
collection when he wrote his later works, especially the law codes of Æthelred.[47]There are also a number of
works which are associated with the archbishop, but whose authorship is
unknown, such as theLate Old
English Handbook for the Use of a Confessor.[48]
Style
Wulfstan’s
style is highly admired by many sources, easily recognisable and exceptionally
distinguished. “Much Wulfstan material is, more-over, attributed largely or
even solely on the basis of his highly idiosyncratic prose style, in which
strings of syntactically independent two-stress phrases are linked by complex
patterns of alliteration and other kinds of sound play. Indeed, so
idiosyncratic is Wulfstan’s style that he is even ready to rewrite minutely
works prepared for him by Ǣlfric” (Blackwell, 495). From this identifiable style, 26 sermons can be
attributed to Wulfstan, 22 of which are written in Old English, the others in
Latin. However, it’s suspected that many anonymous materials are Wulfstan’s as
well, and his handwriting has been found in many manuscripts, supplementing or
correcting material (495). He wrote more than just sermons, including law-codes
and sections of prose.
Certainly
he must have been a very talented writer, gaining a reputation of eloquence
while he still lived in London (Bethurum, 58). In a letter to him, “the writer
asks to be excused from translating something Wulfstan had asked him to render
into English and pleads as an excuse his lack of ability in comparison with the
bishop’s skill” (58). Similarly, “[o]ne early student of Wulfstan, Einenkel,
and his latest editor, Jost, agree in thinking he wrote verse and not prose”
(Continuations, 229). This suggests Wulfstan’s writing is not only eloquent,
but poetic, and among many of his rhetorical devices is marked rhythm (229).
Taking a look at Wulfstan’s actual manuscripts, presented by Volume 17 of Early
English Manuscripts in Facsimile, it becomes apparent that his writing was
exceptionally neat and well-structured – even his notes in the margins are
well-organized and tidy, and his handwriting itself is ornate but readable.
Notes
1.
Jump up^ William of Malmesbury thought that Wulfstan was not
a monk, but the Historia Eliensis and Florence of Worcester
both claim that he was.
3.
Jump up^ However it is not clear if he immediately
relinquished his seat at London: his London successor's signature does not
appear until 1004.[10]
4.
Jump up^ Note that there was once some confusion among
scholars as to the exact time Wulfstan was moved from London to Worcester. But,
in 1937 Dorothy Whitelock established a general consensus around the date 1002
for his simultaneous promotion to York and Worcester. Nevertheless, a
discrepancy in sourcebooks still persists: see, e.g., Fryde Handbook of
British Chronology p. 220.
5.
Jump up^ Wulfstan's immediate predecessor at York was Ealdwulf, who also held Worcester in plurality.[10] Subsequent
joint tenures of York and Worcester occurred in 1040–41 and 1061–62.[14]
6.
Jump up^ Chiefly because they have yet to be edited in full.
However, an edition is forthcoming from Thomas Hall.[22]
7.
Jump up^ For discussion, see "Wulfstan's Scandinavian
Loanword Usage: An Aspect of the Linguistic Situation in the Late Old English
Danelaw" Tadao Kubouchi. For definitions and occurrences, see the
Dictionary of Old English Online.
8. Jump up^ An up-to-date list is provided by Sara M. Pons-Sanz
"A Reconsideration of Wulfstan's use of Norse-Derived Terms: The Case ofÞræl"
pp. 6–7.
Citations
16.
Jump up^ Orchard "Wulfstan the Homilist" Blackwell
Encyclopedia of Anglo-Saxon England pp. 494–495
25.
Jump up^ Wulfstan Die ‘Institutes of Polity, Civil
and Ecclesiastical’: Ein Werk Erzbischof Wulfstans von York pp. 39–165
35.
Jump up^ Lerer "Old English and its
Afterlife" Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature p.
13
36.
Jump up^ Lerer "Old English and its
Afterlife" Cambridge History of Medieval English Literature p.
28
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Jonathan. "The Wolf on Shepherds: Wulfstan, Bishops, and the Context of
the Sermo Lupi ad Anglos". pp. 395–418.
·
Williams,
Ann (2003). Æthelred the Unready:
The Ill-Counselled King. London: Hambledon & London. ISBN 1-85285-382-4.OCLC 51780838.
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Williams,
Ann (2000). The English and the
Norman Conquest. Ipswich: Boydell Press. ISBN 0-85115-708-4. OCLC 52062791.
·
Wormald, Patrick (1978). "Æthelred the Lawmaker". In David
Hill. Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference.
Oxford. pp. 47–80.
·
Wormald, Patrick (1999). "Archbishop Wulfstan and the Holiness
of Society". In D. Pelteret. Anglo-Saxon History: Basic Readings.
New York. pp. 191–224.
·
Wormald, Patrick (2004). "Archbishop Wulfstan: Eleventh-Century
State-Builder". In Townend, Matthew. Wulfstan, Archbishop of York:
The Proceedings of the 2nd Alcuin Conference. Turnhout. pp. 9–27.
·
Wormald, Patrick (2000). The Making of English Law: King
Alfred to the Twelfth Century – Volume 1: Legislation and its Limits.
Oxford: Blackwell.
·
Wormald, Patrick (2004). "Wulfstan (d. 1023)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography.
Oxford University Press. Retrieved 2008-03-30.
·
Wulfstan
(1959). Die ‘Institutes of Polity, Civil and Ecclesiastical’: Ein Werk
Erzbischof Wulfstans von York. Swiss Studies in English 47. Jost, Karl
(editor). Bern: A. Francke AG Verlag.
·
Wulfstan;
Bethurum, Dorothy (1957). The Homilies of Wulfstan. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
·
Wulfstan;
Napier, Arthur (1883). Sammlung der ihm Zugeschriebenen Homilien nebst
Untersuchungen über ihre Echtheit. Berlin: Weidmann.
·
Wulfstan
(1999). Wulfstan's Canon Law Collection. Anglo-Saxon Texts I. James
E. Cross and Andrew Hamer (editors). Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer.
Further readings
·
Pons-Sanz,
Sara M. Norse-Derived Vocabulary in Late Old English Texts: Wulfstan’s
Works, a Case Study. North-Western European Language Evolution Supplement
22. University Press of Southern Denmark, 2007.
External links
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Bishop of London
996–1002 |
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Bishop of Worcester
1002–1016 |
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Archbishop of York
1002–1023 |
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